withoutaface said:
Capitalist thinking allows for a broad range of personal views without necessarily having them clash with the system
Capitalist production and private ownership as compared with communist production and collective ownership are not "views" they are social relations. It is thus incorrect to say that capitalism can contain within itself different "views" (which are in reality different modes of production) because, as outlined in
Capital Vol 1. by Marx in his chapter of
Primitive Accumulation, capital is driven to expand and generalise itself across the entire planet, absorbing non-capitalist modes of production. In
The Accumulation of Capital, Rosa Luxemburg goes further to claim (as does the ICC, noting that they differ greatly from most of other communist organisations) that non-capitalist markets are
necessary for capitalism to expand, without which begins the era of decline characterised above all by inter-imperialist war.
withoutaface said:
(i.e. people can choose to keep their goods, or donate to charity, depending on their preference)
To what degree is giving to charity a "different view" than keeping the entire product of one's earnings? Both are still fundamentally capitalist unfortunately.
withoutaface said:
He's making assumptions about such shifts occurring, and unless he believes that these views need to be instilled into people by forcible brainwashing (which I'll assume is not the case),
"Shifts" in mentality already exist. They find expression in the proletarian class as it stands in opposition to capitalist production. Further shifts of course will occur, noting that the behaviour and manner in which men interact is determined by their social relations of production (which in turn have their basis in a given development of the forces of production.
withoutaface said:
then I can't see why he'd not support a move to a free market system where private property is still recognised
Because I support the interest of the proletariat in it's class struggle. Capitalist production (in whatever form it takes whether laissez faire, Keynesian or state monopoly) provides no solution for the class and is diametrically opposed to it's interests qua wage labourers.
withoutaface said:
(given, in his future, people would forfeit such rights voluntarily).
You misrepresent my views. Marxists recognise that communism can not come from above by bourgeois philanthropy and the like. The capitalist class can not and will not forfeit their own property rights on the basis of "humanity" or "freedom" or "equality" or any other wishy-washy idealist nonsense. The property roots of the bourgeoisie must be forcefully ripped away. It is then and only then can we speak of a "free-association of producers" who foreit not their property but their contribution to the social product which they make with their labour.
yBmL said:
It's more of a softly, softly approach to proletariat enlightenment.
This is not entirely true. You seem to be treating Marxism as a dogma that need be imbued in the class. This is what may be called a "Kautskyite-Leninist" understanding of class consciousnous.
Others, like myself, influenced by the
Left-Communist tradition see class consciousness as an organic product of the class itself. Consciousness exists in what some may call a "dialectical" relationship to struggle where through the struggle the class acquires a revolutionary consciousness which subsequently determines or at least influences their struggle.
yBmL said:
Zeitgeist, our man, is describing a communist thought experiment, and is attempting to raise overall consciousness through it. It's admirable if not somewhat futile.
My motivation is not to raise consciousness, this is after all a freakin student discussion board! But I agree (I'm not sure if in the same way though), the discussion in this thread is seeming to be becoming more and more futile (although there are counterveiling tendencies such as your own contributions).
In reply to Zstar, you've got nothing to offer this discussion. As such I (and I hope others will join me in doing this) will be ignoring all your posts in this thread from now on (including your most recent one).
BBJ said:
Herein was where capitalism was born. You take a bit of Nietzsche, add a bit of darwinism and some materialism and you have it.
I'm affraid this is just untrue. Capitalism (like all modes of production) is not the product of a "great mind" or mere ideas. It is the product of historic conditions, in this case the rise of commerce and industry within the constraints of feudal relations which where subsequently superceded as a result of the class struggle between the rising bourgeoisie and the declining aristocracy. Marx puts it as follows in the
Communist Manifesto:
We see then: the means of production and of exchange, on whose foundation the bourgeoisie built itself up, were generated in feudal society. At a certain stage in the development of these means of production and of exchange, the conditions under which feudal society produced and exchanged...the feudal relations of property became no longer compatible with the already developed productive forces; they became so many fetters. They had to be burst asunder; they were burst asunder. Into their place stepped free competition, accompanied by a social and political constitution adapted in it, and the economic and political sway of the bourgeois class.
Empyrean said:
The State is important as it can act as an aegis for the people; ie if one people/country/military attack or invade your state, the mililtary of your state can defend its people
Yes, yes but assumes there are "others" to do the invading/attacking etc. Fundamentally the state is the instrument by which the ruling class expresses its dominance over society and mediates the class struggle in it's interest.
Society thus far, based upon class antagonisms, had need of the state, that is, of an organization of the particular class, which was
pro tempore the exploiting class, for the maintenance of its external conditions of production,
http://www.marxists.org/archive/draper/1970/xx/state.html#nxand therefore, especially, for the purpose of forcibly keeping the exploited classes in the condition of oppression corresponding with the given mode of production (slavery, serfdom, wage-labour). The state was the official representative of society as a whole; the gathering of it together into a visible embodiment. But it was this only insofar as it was the state of that class which itself represented, for the time being, society as a whole: in ancient times, the state of slave-owning citizens; in the Middle Ages, the feudal lords; in our own time, the bourgeoisie. When at last it becomes the real representative of the whole of society, it renders itself unnecessary [
überflüssig, superfluous]. As soon as there is no longer any social class to be held in subjection; as soon as class rule, and the individual struggle for existence based upon our present anarchy in production, with the collisions and excesses arising from these, are removed, nothing more remains to be repressed, and a special repressive force, a state, is no longer necessary. The first act by virtue of which the state really constitutes itself the representative of the whole of society-the taking possession of the means of production in the name of the state-this is, at the same time, its last independent act as a state. State interference in social relations becomes, in one domain after another, superfluous, and then withers away of itself [
schläft von selbst ein, lit., goes to sleep of itself]; the government of persons is replaced by the administration of things, and by the conduct of processes of production. The state is not “abolished” [
abgeschafft].
It withers away [
stirbt ab, lit., dies away, dies off]. This gives the measure of the value of the phrase “a free people’s state”, both as to its ultimate scientific insufficiency; and also of the demands of the so-called anarchists for the abolition of the state out of hand. - Engels, Anti-Duhring quoted in
The Death of the State in Marx and Engels, Hal Draper